Reducing nutrient enrichment of waterways through public education- A tale of two cities

Jonathon Howard1 and Daryl McGregor2

1Charles Sturt University, PO Box 789, Albury, NSW Australia 2640, Ph: 0260519685, Ph: 0260519897, email: jhoward@csu.edu.au

2Albury City Council, 553 Kiewa St, Albury, NSW Australia 2640

Accepted with changes for publication in Environmental Conservation
Word count: 5555
Running head: Reducing nutrient pollution
Corresponding author:

Summary

Eutrophication of waterways, expressed as excess growth of cyanobacteria, is frequently caused by excessive inputs of phosphorus. Human activities are often the cause of such nutrient enrichment and so many governments have addressed the issue by implementing a range of technological, legislative and biological measures. By contrast, Australia has taken a different approach and also relied heavily on public education. This paper compares the success of two of these ‘Phoswatch’ public education programmes. One campaign occurred within the Murray-Darling Basin in a country town called Albury-Wodonga. The other occurred within the Hawkesbury-Nepean Basin in the western suburbs of Sydney. The campaigns were evaluated using a series of community surveys and by monitoring phosphorus loads at a sewage treatment plant. The Albury-Wodonga campaign was the most effective of the two campaigns with increases in the number of people reporting a range of behaviours and these resulted in a decrease in phosphorus loads entering the local treatment plant. The comparison suggests that clear simple messages, a diversity of media exposure, and some form of feedback are critical to programme success. It is concluded that campaigns such as Phoswatch can provide a long term, cost effective way of addressing eutrophication by focusing on the source of the problem at source and creating community support for an integrated strategy.

Introduction

Water is a critical resource that people often take for granted. People may over use and chemically enrich waterways so that lakes, rivers, and bays become degraded by eutrophication. A good example of this occurred in Australia in 1991 when a cyanobacterial bloom along 1000 km of the Darling River focused the attention of the Australian public on water quality. It caused the death of 1600 sheep and cattle and created headlines in papers across Australia (NSW Blue Green Algae Task Force 1992). The Australian Embassy in Japan had inquiries about whether it was safe to eat Australian beef, and the Australian Embassy in Germany had inquiries in relation to the safety of tourists (NSW Blue Green Algae Task Force 1992).

Since this bloom, Australian Governments at both federal and state levels have devoted considerable resources to address cyanobacterial blooms (Murray-Darling Basin Commission 1992; NSW Blue Green Algae Task Force 1992). Such blooms are estimated to cost the nation over AUD$200 million each year. While technology and legislation are commonly used to address algal blooms in other parts of the world (Lehman 1986), Australia has also used public education campaigns to address the issue. This uniquely Australian approach reflects part of a growing recognition that environmental problems are in part social problems and, as such, public education programmes may help implement environmental policy.

There are few reported studies evaluating public environmental education campaigns. Research shows that mass communication programmes can encourage changes in behaviour, however the link between attitudes and behaviour is not always straightforward (Manfredo 1992). Other factors such as social norms, self esteem, and efficacy may intervene (Ajzen 1992). Using two case studies, this paper outlines how such public education programmes can be implemented and explains critical factors in programme success. This information contributes to our understanding of the role of education in achieving environmental policy (in this case improved water quality).

Background

Cyanobacteria are an integral part of any freshwater ecosystem although their total biomass is usually small. The most common genera in Australian fresh waterways are Anabaena, Aphanizomenon, Anabaenopsis and Mycrocystis (Sullivan et al. 1988). Only a few microns in size, these single-celled organisms are usually not noticed until they appear as blue-green colouration of the water or a paint-like scum at the surface when in large numbers (Harper 1992). Such excessive growth is commonly called an ‘algal bloom’ although cyanobacteria are photoautotrophic prokaryotes (Reynolds 1987).

Algal blooms are a worldwide problem (Skulberg et al. 1984; Reynolds 1987; Harper 1992). When cyanobacteria occur in excessive numbers they have a detrimental effect on farm stock and the environment, and can cause severe economic losses to aquaculture, fishing, and tourism (Edington and Edington 1984; Harper 1992). Ingestion of cyanobacterial toxins can also cause vomiting and diarrhoea and may have long-term effects such as liver damage and the promotion of tumour growth (Skulberg et al. 1984; Harper 1992).

A great deal of information has been gained in recent years about the chemical and physical conditions that promote excessive algal blooms in waterways (Harper 1993; Varis 1993). These conditions are high nutrient loads, low flows, stagnant water, and high light availability (Reynolds 1987; Varis 1993; Fisher et al. 1995). However, phosphorus is the nutrient that most commonly limits phytoplankton biomass (Fisher et al. 1995; Townsend 2000).

Under natural conditions the major source of phosphorus in many waterways is the surrounding soils. However, human activities that create soil erosion, agricultural run-off, industrial effluent, urban run-off and sewage, enrich the waterways and makes phosphorus readily available. The highly variable flow of Australia rivers mean that point sources (e.g. effluent) tend to be the main source of phosphorus in dry years while diffuse sources (e.g. run-off) main source in the wetter years (Sullivan et al. 1988; NSW Blue Green Algae Task Force 1992). This makes the management of point sources a critical issue as these are the dominant source of phosphorus when other factors conducive to algal growth (ie. low flows, stagnant water, and high light availability) are likely to occur. Indeed Pigram (1986) claims a significant contribution (nearly 60% in some years) of the total phosphorus load in many Australian waterways comes from point sources such as treatment plants.

While it is possible to control phosphorus loading by using chemical and biological removal, it is be expensive (Harper 1992; Varis 1993). However, if the amount of phosphorus reaching a treatment plant is reduced at source, then there are lower running costs, a reduced risk of salinity, and a failsafe in place (McGregor 1995). One significant source (30-50%) of phosphorus in Australian sewage comes from detergents (NSW Blue Green Algae Task Force 1992).

Campaign Locations

Albury-Wodonga

The Murray-Darling is Australia’s longest river system and its catchment covers 1 063 000 km2. The catchment is the nation’s most important agricultural area, containing about half of Australia’s cropland, sheep and orchards. Approximately 80% of the accessible or divertible water in this basin is developed for human use (Commonwealth of Australia 1996). Over 200 towns dispose of sewage into the river and this sewage contributes an estimated 500 tonnes of phosphorus and 2780 tonnes of nitrogen each year to the river system (Murray-Darling Basin Commission 1992).

In 1993, the Albury City Council developed a community awareness programme aimed at reducing the discharge of phosphorus from all urban sources. Aside from Canberra, Albury-Wodonga, with a population of about 100 000 people, is the largest inland town in the Murray-Darling Basin. Other neighbouring councils, state agencies and the Federal Government entered into partnership with Albury Council. The funding from all sources totalled AUD$455 000 over two years, although Albury Council and other neighbouring authorities were committed to a continuing campaign.

The Hawkesbury-Nepean

The Hawkesbury-Nepean Catchment (22 000 km2) is much smaller than the Murray-Darling but is also highly significant because it supplies 97% of the drinking water to the major urban centres in New South Wales, namely Sydney, Illawarra, the Central Coast and Blue Mountains. The catchment also supplies most of Sydney’s fresh vegetables, poultry and dairy products. There are 90 private and public sewage treatment plants which empty effluent into the river (EPA 1993).

In 1995, the Hawkesbury-Nepean Catchment Trust implemented the fifth and perhaps most ambitious phosphorus campaign in NSW. Unlike all the previous campaigns which were located in rural Australia, this campaign was located in the western suburbs of Sydney and involved twenty-one local councils. As the region is part of the nation’s biggest city, Sydney, this area is comparatively more diverse. There are over one million people of various backgrounds, cultures and interests living in the region. There are also at least 15 substantial newspapers, a plethora of community radio stations and three major television stations. Funding for the programme was supported by a special environmental levy on residents, local councils and state agencies, so that AUD$3 million was available over 18 months. The programme finished in June 1996 (Hawkesbury-Nepean Catchment Management Trust 1996).

Campaign objectives

Both campaigns targeted the whole regional population. The objectives of the campaign in Albury-Wodonga were to:

  1. publicise and increase public awareness about the contribution phosphorus makes to eutrophication of inland waterways;
  2. provide the public with information about the sources of phosphorus; and
  3. provide information on what actions individuals can take to minimise phosphorus in particular, and pollutants in general, at the sources.

The Hawkesbury-Nepean Catchment Trust modified the objectives of the Albury-Wodonga campaign for its campaign to make special mentions of industry, agriculture, and local government as well as the public. This led to a subtle change in a few key messages and a different emphasis in others (Table 1).

Choice of Media

The media used in Albury-Wodonga included weekly television advertising featuring an ‘average’ citizen talking about the issue and outlining specific messages. Weekly newspaper advertising also occurred featuring a Phoswatch logo with one key message (Table 2). One key aspect of the newspaper advertising programme was feedback; residents could read about the concentration of phosphorus going into the sewage treatment plant and monitor their efforts.

In addition, direct mail letters were sent to residents on an annual basis; these outlined progress of the campaign, the issue, and actions that residents could take. Additional promotion included displays at most major local events, a guest speakers programme to over 50 service clubs, and an annual school education programme involving all 35 schools within the area.

By contrast because television advertising is so expensive in Sydney, the Hawkesbury-Nepean campaign focused on a radio advertising campaign that lasted 12 months on only two radio stations. The message formats were different from those in Albury-Wodonga in that they featured various local children or John Williamson (a well known Australian singer/songwriter) emphasising one particular action people could take to reduce phosphorus. Like Albury-Wodonga, weekly newspaper advertising occurred featuring a Phoswatch logo and one of the key messages, but this was restricted to local suburban newspapers. However, rather than provide feedback, a fortnightly column called ‘Our river’ was established in each local paper outlining local issues and environmental initiatives taken within the catchment. The other major component of the Hawkesbury-Nepean campaign was advertising messages placed on 53 buses and in car parks at shopping centres (Table 2).

In addition, all residents received by direct mail a full colour brochure outlining all the actions that residents could take. Considerable resources were spent on other promotional media (bookmarks, posters, calico bags, and beer coasters) that were used opportunistically. As in Albury-Wodonga, additional promotion included displays at most major local events, a guest speaker programme to service clubs, and an annual school education programme involving over 200 schools.

Methods

Community Attitudes and Behaviour

Albury City Council implemented a series of community surveys throughout the campaign. These were a mail questionnaire sent to a randomly selected sample of people and contained questions about peoples knowledge and behaviour in relation to water pollution. These surveys were conducted in May 1994 (no of respondents (n)=200), November 1994 (n=200) and November 1998 (n=400). Prior to these surveys and the campaign, 3 focus groups of 10 residents in 1993 found less than 10% of people were aware of the link between blue-green algae and phosphorus.

The 1998 survey also included questions to test critical factors suggested in the literature that lead to behavioural change (Hines et al. 1987; Ajzen 1992). Scores for environmental knowledge (using five true/false statements), environmental concern (a ten point semantic scale), perceived seriousness (a yes/no answer), and efficacy (choosing whether they thought individuals were responsible for action or it was government’s role) were obtained. Measures of social factors were obtained by asking respondents to nominate particular people or types of people that had influenced their behaviour for environmental reasons and score how important each of these sources were on a 5 point semantic scale. Actions used to reduce water pollution was measured by asking respondents to report on sixteen possible behaviours.

For the Hawkesbury-Nepean campaign, the Hawkesbury-Nepean Catchment Management Trust implemented a study in 1994 before the campaign began, and a post-education survey in 1995 (Environmetrics 1995, 1996). In each survey a different random sample of 720 respondents was interviewed via telephone on a range of issues about the environment and water pollution. The survey asked people to name a local environmental issue and rate the importance of a range of local environmental issues. The 1996 survey also asked people what changes in behaviour had occurred in the last 12 months.

Effluent monitoring

In Albury-Wodonga, sewage effluent information was available for pre-campaign comparisons. Data were gathered in 1989 (22 samples), 1990 (26 samples) and 1992 (14 samples). This data is based on 24 hourly sampling. The arithmetic mean for the phosphorus data prior to the campaign was 157kg/day. In 1995 an independent data audit was carried out by the University of Canberra to verify the statistical summaries. This audit found additional data, and the mean value for the complete data from January 1989 to August 1993 was found to be 147kg/d (McGregor 1995). A decision was taken to reduce the sampling period for statistical analysis to the two year period to August 1993. This yielded a benchmark figure of 142 kg/day.

From October 1993 to January 1995, daily 24 hour flow proportioned samples were collected using an American Sigma automatic sampler (model 1350) receiving input pulses from a raw sewage flow meter at the Albury Sewage Treatment plant. The samples were prepared and analysed for phosphorus measurement in accordance with Australian Wastewater Association standards, persulphate digestion method (American Public Health Association. 1998). Daily loads were calculated by multiplying the daily totalised flows by the daily composite sample total phosphorus concentrations.

For the Hawkesbury-Nepean campaign, the Catchment Management Trust was unable to get the regional Water Board to undertake monitoring. While the EPA had been monitoring water quality in the river from 1993-1996, significantly high loadings of phosphorus in the stream bed meant flood events significantly affected the data.

Results

Albury-Wodonga campaign

The surveys of Albury-Wodonga residents show a high degree of awareness of water conservation issues (Table 3). There was been no significant change in awareness after the initial implementation of the campaign with about 90% of respondents stating they were aware of the link between phosphorus and blue-green algae. This compares with the pre-campaign survey of about 10% awareness in Albury-Wodonga and about 50% in the Hawkesbury-Nepean. In addition more than 52% of all residents nominated water conservation as the most important local environmental issue in 1998 after the campaign, reflecting the amount of additional editorial space generated in the media. This figure was only 28% in western Sydney after the Hawkesbury-Nepean campaign (Table 4).

In terms of behaviour, 82% of respondents stated they were doing something specific to maintain water quality in 1998. The most common activities stated by respondents were using low phosphorus detergents, watching what goes down the sink, and washing the car on the lawn. There had been an increase in the number of people using detergents with no or low phosphorus, and a decrease in the number of people using high-phosphorus detergents. The other behaviours advocated in the Phoswatch campaign had also shown a significant change.

The results of such attitude and behaviour surveys have to be interpreted with caution as people tend to over state behaviour that is socially desirable. However, measurements of phosphorus loads at Albury treatment works support the community survey results. Based on the determined benchmark phosphorus load of 142kg/d, the Albury-Wodonga campaign was successful in reducing phosphorus by 18% with an average of 112kg/d in June (Fig. 1). A model was developed using phosphorus concentrations, sewage flow, rainfall, time and population variables and gave an overall reduction of 11,200kg of phosphorus or about 14%. This is despite an increased population and industry base for the Albury City during the period.

A step-wise multiple regression using the statistical package for social sciences (SPSS) was undertaken to determine the relative contribution of personal factors, social factors, and perceived responsibility in predicting behaviour. It found that those people who felt they could do more (R2= 0.178, F= 50.9, p<.000) had a high concern for the environment (R2= 0.259, F= 43.29, p<.000) , felt social pressure from a wide range of sources (R2= 0.330, F= 33.03, p<.002) showed more water conservation behaviours. Responsibility or environmental knowledge were not a significant factor in behaviour.

Community survey of the Hawkesbury-Nepean

In terms of overall environmental awareness, there was little change after the Hawkesbury-Nepean campaign. About three-quarters of respondents could nominate a local environmental issue affecting their area both before and after the campaign (Table 4), however a significantly larger number of people could not name any local environmental issue after the campaign (20%) than before (9%). There was also significant decrease in the number of people nominating water pollution as a major local issue (df=1,χ2=4.252, p<0.04).

There was little change in awareness specifically to do with eutrophication of the waterways. While there was a small increase in the perceived seriousness of blue-green algae and too much weed in the water, these two types of water pollution were still widely regarded as ‘not serious’ problems after the campaign (Table 5). About half the sample did not know whether nutrient levels were a serious problem in their waterways.

In terms of behaviour, the Hawkesbury-Nepean surveys obtained conflicting results. When asked about behaviour being implemented since 1992, there was a significant decrease in many of the behaviours reported (Table 6). However, when asked in 1995 about changes in the last twelve months, about half the respondents stated they had made some changes to help reduce water pollution (Table 7). Of those actions reported as occurring over the length of the campaign, few were the specific ones outlined in the Hawkesbury-Nepean Phoswatch campaign. Although individually they are small proportions of the sample they account for one quarter of the behaviour change reported in the 12 month period. The most frequently reported behaviour change of the Phoswatch messages was the use of low-phosphorus detergents.

Discussion

Water is a critical resource management issue in Australia. After Antarctica, Australia is the driest continent in the world. In addition, two thirds of its annual run-off occurs in the northern catchments, leaving the vast majority of the continent, and most people, relying on relatively meagre supplies. Australians also have strong environmental attitudes. The environment has ranked as one of the top five most important issues, usually placed just behind major economic concerns, for the past 15 years (Lothian 1994). Of all environmental issues, it is pollution of waterways that is of most concern (EPA 1994; EPA 1998). As water is such an important issue, several authors have advocated an integrated approach of legislation, education, economic incentives and technological innovation to implement policy (e.g. Winkler 1982). The results of the present study confirm that planned public education campaigns can have a role in encouraging the community to do environmentally sensitive behaviours.

Identifying the factors and conditions that prove effective in public education campaigns is a major purpose of persuasion theory and research (Ajzen 1992). If campaign success is narrowly defined in terms of individual changes in knowledge, awareness and behaviour then the Albury-Wodonga campaign was more successful than the Hawkesbury- Nepean campaign. There are a number of reasons as to why the Albury-Wodonga campaign was more successful than the Hawkesbury-Nepean campaign. One way of grouping these reasons is to separate input variables (communication) and (persuasion) output variables (MacGuire 1989).

Input variables involve the classical model which suggests communication consists of who says what, how and to whom (McGuire 1989). In such an analysis, the Hawkesbury-Nepean campaign was less successful because it was unable to focus or monopolise any of these components. For example, in terms of what was being said there were four separate state conservation agencies running separate public education programmes about environmental conservation. This created considerable distraction and may explain the decrease in awareness and behaviour in the Hawkesbury-Nepean. Messages such as reducing water consumption and being careful about run-off were key elements of a competing campaign by the Sydney Water Board. In addition, specific messages such as ‘pick up and bury pet droppings’ were changed to ‘manage your pet’s wastes properly’ which could mean anything.

In terms of who was sending the message, the Hawkesbury-Nepean Catchment Trust was an organisation less that three years old at the time. Several primary producers rejected claims about fertiliser causing algal blooms and instead relied on the information about application rates from the suppliers of fertiliser (Fenner Conference on the Environment 1994)

In terms of how the message was disseminated, the Hawkesbury-Nepean campaign tended to advertise each message separately rather than have them as part of an entire range of actions. The limited funding also meant that the campaign could not reach different ethnic groups and the full range of media channels could not be monopolised. It was also limited by the amount of time the campaign was able to run.

By contrast, the output variable (persuasion and learning theory) recognise that the aim of communication is to change people’s behaviour and the provision of information does not always lead to behaviour change (McGuire 1989; Stern 1992). According to Stern (1992), behaviour is potentially a function of psychological variables such as attitudes, interpersonal variable such as social norms and collective actions, and situational factors. Hines et al. (1987) emphasised psychological variables when they created a model that suggested that before a person can act they must be aware of an issue, and the strategies available to solve the issue. In addition, people must have the desire or motivation to act and this stems from attitudes, locus of control and personal responsibility (Hines et al. 1987). The 1998 Albury-Wodonga survey partially supports the Hines et al. (1987) model in that it found that a high concern for the environment was correlated to responsible environmental behaviour. Yet personal responsibility and environmental knowledge were not significantly correlated with responsible environmental behaviour which might be viewed as contrary to this model.

The other significant factors, such as a high amount of social pressure and a feeling people could do more, which were correlated to environmentally responsible behaviour emphasise that social norms were critical to the success of the Albury-Wodonga campaign. This is consistent with the theory of reasoned action (Ajzen & Fishbein 1980) which emphasises both psychological variables such as attitudes, and interpersonal variables such as social norms and collective actions, effect behaviour. Increasingly, interpersonal variables are being recognised as important in mass education campaigns (e.g. Statts et al. 1995; Chan 1998). The significance of such social pressure being effective in Phoswatch is also suggested in the different methods used in the two campaigns. One key aspect of the Albury-Wodonga campaign was its ability to provide feedback through the mass media that outlined the seriousness of the collective problem, and could demonstrate to people that other people were contributing to achieve the desired collective goal. Feedback has also been found critical in a range of other studies on conservation behaviour such as reducing energy consumption (Geller 1995; Statts et al. 1995). The comparison between the two campaigns therefore suggests that providing feedback and being able to create sufficient media exposure appear to be critical to programme success.

Removing phosphorus from detergents may be the quickest way of reducing phosphorus input into many waterways (Harper 1992; NSW Algal Task Force 1992). In the Albury-Wodonga case study, a 14% reduction in phosphorus was possible through an education campaign. It is also noteworthy that the increase in community awareness in Albury-Wodonga created an environment where the Council could invest significant resources in a new activated sludge treatment plant, wood-lot irrigation areas, and new stormwater basins. Considering the costs associated with improving water quality in waterways through such infrastructure development, increasing community support and decreasing nutrient loads at source are important initial outcomes to any programme. Campaigns such as Phoswatch, if planned effectively, can be part of a long term, cost effective way of addressing the problem because they not only address the problem at source, but also provide community support for an integrated strategy.

To conclude, phosphorus education campaigns can reduce phosphorus loadings from point sources and play a broader role in environmental policy as being a forerunner to other (perhaps more expensive or controversial) measures. To be successful such campaigns need clear simple messages, an ability to monopolise the mass media, and some form of feedback to the target audiences. Campaigns that send ambiguous messages, compete with other organisations for the target audiences’ attention and cannot monopolise a range of mass media are generally not effective.

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Figure 1: Mean daily load of Phosphorus at Albury Treatment Plant

Table 1: The key messages for the two Phoswatch campaigns

Albury Wodonga campaign

Hawkesbury-Nepean campaign

  • wash cars on lawns
  • wash your car on the grass
  • use no or low phosphorus detergents
  • use phosphorus free cleaning products
  • pick up and bury pet droppings
  • manage your pet’s wastes properly
  • do not sweep waste into drains
  • keep leaves and lawn clippings out of the gutter
  • do not over fertilise gardens and lawns
  • mulch plant material and spread on your garden
  • wash only full loads of laundry wherever possible
  • cover exposed soil
  • regularly service your septic system

Table 2: Summary of media used for the two Phoswatch campaigns

Media

Albury-Wodonga

Hawkesbury-Nepean

Radio

*

***

Television

***

  

Newspaper

***

***

Static Displays

*

*

Promotional videos

+

+

Newsletter

*

+

Posters

+

  

School Resources

*

*

Detergent leaflet

+

+

Refrigerator magnets

+

  

Direct mail

*

*

Taxi and Bus Advertising

  

***

Shopping Centre Advertising

  

***

* =minor emphasis (eg. once off or irregular)
*** = major emphasis (ie. repetition)
+ = present without any dissemination strategy

Table 3: Changes in awareness and behaviour in Albury-Wodonga residents expressed as percentages

 

1994 (n=200)

1994 (n=200)

1998 (n=400)

χ2

df

p

Aware of the link between phosphorus and blue-green algae

96

94

91

1.54

2

NS

Changed detergent brands

21

31

32

7.341

2

<.05

Used phosphorus-free powders

25

28

30

1.266

2

NS

Used low- phosphorus detergents

41

49

48

5.287

2

NS

Used high- phosphorus detergent (<5%)

36

30

28

3.22

2

NS

Care in fertiliser use

10

14

13

1.60

2

NS

Preventing run-off

10

14

47

91.27

2

<0.001

Preventing leaf litter going down the drain

17

22

63

113.5

2

<0.001

Done something different as a result

  

50

82

      

Washed laundry loads /week

6.3

5.4

        

NS = not significant (ie.>.05)

Table 4: Identification of local environmental issues by residents in the Hawkesbury-Nepean catchment (figures expressed as percentage)

Issue identified

1994

1995

Water pollution

33

28

Other Issues

58

52

Don’t know

9

20

Table 5: Perceived seriousness of environmental issues before and after the Hawkesbury-Nepean Campaign

 

Don’t know

Not serious

Moderately serious

Very serious

Types of water pollution

1994

1995

1994

1995

1994

1995

1994

1995

Bacteria and viruses in the water

35

32

24

21

12

12

29

34

Nutrient levels in the water

26

21

19

19

10

12

45

47

Sediment in the water

25

21

27

31

18

18

30

31

Blue green algae in the water

27

33

17

17

34

29

22

22

Silt levels in the creeks and rivers

18

18

24

24

22

20

37

38

Pollutants in the water

41

43

31

28

14

15

14

14

Too much weed in the water

21

27

27

29

28

21

25

23

Table 6: Changes in lifestyle made since 1992 to reduce water pollution reported before and after the Hawkesbury-Nepean Phoswatch campaign.

 

1994 (n=720)

1995 (n=720)

χ2

df

p

Aware of the link between phosphorus and blue-green algae

47.9%

49.7%

0.9

1

NS

Bought environmentally friendly products

21.1%

11.9%

21.9

1

<0.01

Changed detergent brands (low or free phosphorus)

12.4%

8.2%

6.296

1

<0.02

Care in fertiliser use

6.9%

3.3%

9.60

1

<0.01

More careful about what goes down the sink/toilet

26%

8.2%

78.819

1

<0.01

More careful about run-off and stormwater

26.4%

9.6%

67.588

1

<0.01

NS = not significant (ie. >.05)

Table 7: Specific changes in behaviour reported as occurring in the 12 months of the Hawkesbury-Nepean campaign to help reduce water pollution.

Behaviour reported

% respondents

Made changes but not in that period

17

Reduced water consumption

13

More careful about run-off from my property

11

More careful about what goes down the sink

11

Bought more environmentally-friendly products

11

Used low phosphorus products

8

Washed car on the grass

7

Reduced the use of pesticides

5

Recycled grey water

3

Disposed of rubbish properly

3

Started composting

2